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MAHZOR YANNAI 


TEXTS AND STUDIES OF THE JEWISH 
THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY OF AMERICA 


Vol. I-II. Geonica by Louis Ginzberg. 
I, the Geonim and Their Halakic Writings; 
II, Genizah Studies, N. Y., 1909, 8°, xii ee 


Yerushalmi Fragments from the Genizah. Vol. I, 
Texts with Various Readings from the Editio 
Princeps, edited by Louis Ginzberg. 

1909, 4°, vi+372 +1x pp 


Sepher Shaashuim. A Book of Mediaeval Lore 
by Joseph Ben Meir Ibn Zabara. Edited by 
Israel Davidson, N. Y., 1914, 8°, cxxix + [6] 
+ 197+vii pp $2.00 


Saadia’s Polemic against Hiwi Al-Balkhi. By 
Israel Davidson, N. Y., 1915, 8°, 104 pp. .$1.00 


Mahzor Yannai. A Liturgical Work of the 
VIIth Century, edited from Genizah fragments, 
with notes and introduction by Israel Davidson, 
and with additional notes by Louis Ginzberg. 
N. Y., 1919, 8°, xlix+55+ivpp ... . $2.00 


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MAHZOR YANNAI, WRITING OF THE XITH CENTURY 
Underneath Aquila’s Greek Translation of the Bible in a VIth century MS. 


(From Taylor’s “Cairo Genizah Palimpsests’”’) 


WO Certs and Studies of the 
Fewish Cheological Seminary of America 
Vol. VI 


MAHZOR YANNAI 


A Liturgical Work of the VIIth Century 


EDITED FROM 
GENIZAH FRAGMENTS 


WITH NOTES AND INTRODUCTION 
BY 
ISRAEL DAVIDSON 


PROFESSOR OF MEDIAEVAL HEBREW LITERATURE 
JEWISH THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY OF AMERICA 


and additional notes by 


Louis Ginzberg 


PROFESSOR OF TALMUD JEWISH THEOLOGICAL 
SEMINARY OF AMERICA 


NEW YORK 


THE JEWISH THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 
OF AMERICA 


1919 


THE:*PLIMPTON* PRESS 
NORWOOD:MASS*U:S8°?A 


TO THE MEMORY OF 


WOLF HEIDENHEIM 
(1757-1832) 
Foremost critical expounder of the 
Fewish liturgy. 


PREFACE 


THE texts, edited for the first time in this 
volume, represent the remains of a large work of 
religious poetry, composed for every Sabbath of 
the year and grouped about the weekly portions 
of the Pentateuch, according to the divisions of 
the Triennial Cycle. The importance of these 
compositions for the history of mediaeval Jewish 
liturgy lies not only in their being the residue of a 
work lost for many centuries and up to recent times 
entirely unknown, but also in the fact, that through 
them we are able to get a clearer idea of the rise 
and the development of the liturgical poetry 
known as Piyyut. Yannai, the author of these 
religious poems, flourished in the seventh century 
and is, therefore, next to Yose ben Yose, the oldest 
Payyetan. He is also reputed to have been the 
teacher of Kalir, the best known of all mediaeval 
liturgists. 

Like so many other literary treasures brought 
to light in recent times, these poems were found 
in the Cairo Genizah, discovered by Dr. Schechter. 
Facsimiles of these manuscripts, which happened 
to be palimpsests, were published as long ago as 
1897 and 1900 by two well-known English scholars, 
F. Crawford Burkitt and Charles Taylor. Owing, 
however, to the fact that the scholarly world was 
interested mainly in the lower writing of the 


Vv 


vi PREFACE 


manuscripts which comprised parts of Aquila’s 
Greek translations of the Bible, the nature of the 
upper writing in Hebrew and the identity of the 
author were not recognized until now. 

In identifying and presenting these Hebrew 
texts to the public, I not only experience the 
pleasure of contributing an important page to 
the history of Jewish literature, but I also have 
the feeling that it will serve as a striking illus- 
tration of the great importance of the Genizah 
as a source for Jewish history and literature. 

A generation has nearly gone by since the Cairo 
Genizah was rescued from oblivion. And though 
many great contributions to Jewish lore were 
made by the discoverer of the Genizah and his 
followers, still no scientific body or individual 
Maecenas has as yet appeared, willing to make the 
treasures of the Genizah accessible to the scholarly 
world at large. Well cared for as these manu- 
scripts are in the great libraries of England, their 
usefulness is nevertheless very limited as long as 
they remain shelved. Innumerable documents 
of the greatest importance in all departments 
of Jewish literature are waiting to be deciphered, 
elucidated and published. If this vast mass of 
documents were made accessible so that scholars 
the world over could consult them in their studies, 
Jewish historiography would be revolutionized; 
many obscure periods would be illumined and 
many difficulties solved. Let this volume serve 
as an illustration. If the two English scholars 
had not published the facsimiles, the Mahzor of 


PREFACE Vil 


Yannai would very likely have remained unknown 
for many more years to come. 

Of course it would be too sanguine on the part 
of any individual investigator to entertain the 
hope, that by his own efforts he could bring about 
a wide-spread interest in this field of inquiry. 
But if by any chance, this modest contribution 
should, in the least way, help towards arousing 
a greater interest in the Genizah MSS. on the part 
of our leaders in Jewry, the editor would feel more 
than amply rewarded for his labors. 

Aside from the texts of the palimpsests I have 
incorporated in this volume a poem of Yannai 
from the valuable collection of Genizah MSS. in 
the library of Mr. E. N. Adler, who very gener- 
ously placed the original manuscript at my dis- 
posal. 

Through the kind offices of Dr. L. D. Barnett I 
obtained a photograph of the British Museum 
MS., Or. 6197, to which Dr. A. Marmorstein called 
my attention. The photograph reached me when 
the Hebrew part of this volume was already in 
type, but as it turned out to be only an incom- 
plete text of the poem printed below on pages 41 
and 42, I was able to embody the variants in a 
supplementary note on page 42. 

In addition to the Genizah fragments it was also 
deemed advisable to gather here the few liturgical 
compositions of Yannai which have already been 
published previously. For the text of the Kerobah 
of the Great Sabbath use has been made not only 
of the Sabionetta and Venice editions, but also 


Vill PREFACE 


of three MSS. in the Jewish Theological Seminary. 
One is the Mahzor MS. described by H. Gross in 
the Zeitschrift fur Hebraische Bibliographie, XI, 169 
et seq. which will be designated as MS. A; the 
second is a MS. of Yozerot, designated as MS. B; 
and the third, designated as MS. C, is a Mahzor 
bearing the date of 1279 in the colophon. 

I take this opportunity of thanking my friend 
and colleague, Professor Alexander Marx, for 
calling my attention to these MSS., as well as for 
giving me a number of valuable suggestions and 
references. To my friend and colleague, Professor 
Louis Ginzberg, I am under even greater obligation 
for having enriched this volume with his vast 
erudition, in the form of additional notes to the 
text. JI am also indebted to Mr. J. George Dob- 
sevage for his kind services in seeing the book 
through the press. In conclusion I wish to thank 
Dr. Cyrus Adler and the other members of the 
Board of Directors of the Jewish Theological 
Seminary of America for having made this publi- 
cation possible. 


LD; 
New York, March 13, 1919. 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 
BRIER AGE ge tiie cis SI ste cas Saree atte tata ae er NS Mi Vv 
INTRODUCTION 
i) Yanniatiin) Modern Research 22).%.0< .../s 5+ sete 1X 
2) he Rise of the Didactic Piyyut of 6 hl ws XIV 
3. The Cryptic Language of the Piyyut........... XIX 
4. Yannai’s Liturgical Compositions as a Source for 
Fell alice anny pater eA seg MO UO ath XX 
5. Yannai’s Mahzor and the Triennial Cycle...... XXI 
6. The Causes of the Neglect of Yannai’s Com- 
DOLSTICS TETSU) primar Us Lato ce le FO ele Ra XXIV 
PEM earinatranie? IaliG Ai enema Uke ee eles, Soe XXV 
8. The Structure of Yannai’s Kerobot..........-.: XXV1 
9g. Yannai’s Kerobah for the Great Sabbath....... XXXIV 
10. The Fragments of Mahzor Yannal............. XXXVIII 
11. The Contents, Diction and Orthography of the 
raginemes tae Okc sete aarp teases del sie xl 
12. Texts Relating to Yannai, Arranged Chronolo- 
(257071 | Rignhcaein eve Tatan othe AUS Cas Cee Nae EGS LA xiii 


Hesrew Texts aND NOTES............... i-iv and 1-55 


Mish 4 


AN 
67 UR 
\ ¢ 


INTRODUCTION 
1. Yannat in Modern Research 


Few men in Jewish literature have met with a 
fate such as befell the ancient Payyetan Yannai. 
Though undoubtedly of considerable prominence 
in his own day, and though well known and held 
in great esteem even as late as the tenth century,} 
his works seem to have passed out of use in very 
early times, so that he became merely a name. 
In the course of centuries even his name disap- 
peared from the annals of Jewish history, and we 
look in vain for any record concerning him in the 
writings of the mediaeval chroniclers such as 
Sherira Gaon, Abraham b. David, Zacuto and 
others. It is only within the last century that 
his name was rescued from oblivion. 

It was Rapoport who first drew attention to 
the record of an ancient Payyetan by the name of 
Yannai found in the Shibbale Halleket of Zede- 
kiah b. Abraham Anaw.? In that ritual code, 
which was still in manuscript at that time, he 
found a responsum of R. Gershom, where Yannai 
is mentioned before Kalir and is described as 
“one of the ancient sages who composed Kerobot 
for every order of the year.” ‘“‘But who is this 

1 Comp. below, sect. 12, H. 

2 In his Biography of Kalir, note 19 (y’m23 1829, 111). 


3 Comp. below, sect. 12, H. 
ix 


x MAHZOR YANNAI 


Yannai,”’ exclaimed Rapoport, “and where else 
is he mentioned ?”’ 4 

A dozen years later,’ while engaged in his con- 
troversy with Luzzatto about the time and 
place of Kalir, Rapoport brought forth the ad- 
ditional information given him by Zunz, that in 
a certain liturgical manuscript, a note, emanating 
perhaps from Ephraim of Bonn, was added to the 
Kerobah pmnem “yp cnx, recited on the “Great 
Sabbath,” saying, that it was the composition of 
Yannai, the teacher of Kalir.6 As to the poem 
itself, Zunz pointed out that it was written in 
rime and had the alphabet and the name “x in 
acrostic.? Some time later, Luzzatto made the 
assertion that the piyyut nxban ops ants, which is 
printed in some rituals by itself and in others 
together with onam~wesny, is likewise the com- 
position of Yannai.’ This assertion, based on 
internal evidence,? was later corroborated by 
Zunz with evidence from an old manuscript, 
where this poem is clearly ascribed to Yannai.!° 

4 Biog. of Kalir, loc. cit. 5 spn or, VI (1841), 25. 

§ Comp. below, sect. 12, I. 

7 nn, ibid.; Literaturgeschichte, 28. 

8 sy~dymx amp, Leghorn, 1856, 10. 

9 The evidence is that the pp, or completing stanza, of 
the Kerobah mnam “wa cnx, beginning 7) 7728? px °2 123) fits 
in well with the refrain noon -sna°m of the Piyyut oD3 39 1s. 
Rapoport upheld Luzzatto in this opinion (1397 1863, 23). 
In my article on Yannai (J. Q. R., New Series, I, 107, 
note 8), 1 doubted Yannai’s authorship of this poem. But 
I shall show later that there can be no doubt on this subject. 
The one is an integral part of the other. 

a0 \ Trg. 28, note 4. 


INTRODUCTION xl 


All this added information, however, was not 
sufficient to establish definitely the time and place 
of Yannai. And although Rapoport justly de- 
tected the influence of Palestine in the peculiar 
way in which the name of Yannai was spelt in 
the acrostic," he nevertheless clung to his theory 
that Kalir, and hence his teacher Yannai, flourished 
in Italy sometime during the second half of the 
tenth century.” 

In 1853, however, it was pointed out by Dukes, 
that Yannai was mentioned by Jehudi b. Sheshet, 
a) pupil’ of Dunash b.Labrat; and: m 1879 
Harkavy brought to light the fact that Kirkisani, 
the Karaite contemporary of Saadia Gaon, men- 
tioned Yannai in his book of laws.* Later on he 
found two other passages in the same work of 
Kirkisani where Yannai is mentioned,” and in 
wuxnpp Saadia himself makes mention of our 
poet.° Again, in a fragment of an anonymous 
work on the art of poetry, coming from the time 
of Saadia, published by the late Doctor Schechter, 
“the poetic compositions of the celebrated Yan- 
nai” are cited as an example of rimed prose.!’ 
In another composition of similar antiquity an 


11 That is*s, not*xr. Cf. 77> VI, 26. 

122 75, VI, 19, §8: “mann wowN2 972wWN N79 TY WT wT Ay. 

13 mortp 5m3, Hannover, 1853, 2. Comp. also below, sect. 
12.0: 

4 39m, vol. 23, p. 359. Comp. also below, sect. 12, A. 

15 FYyDI7 N91, pp. 107-108. Comp. below, sect. 12, B, C. 

16 [bid., p. 51; also below, sect. 12, D. 

17 Comp. below, sect. 12, G. 


Xil MAHZOR YANNAI 


anonymous poet eulogizes the head of the acad- 
emy by saying that “the law of God was music to 
him and Yannai and Kalir were his garden and 
palace. ** 

All these data point to a much earlier period 
than the tenth century and from the fact that 
Kirkisani asserts that Anan, the founder of Kara- 
ism, made use of Yannai’s liturgy Cx» f3NIN) as a 
source for his Halaka,!® it has become the ac- 
cepted opinion that Yannai must have flourished 
not later than the second half of the seventh 
century.”° 

Incidentally, this remark of Kirkisani carried 
with it also the implication that Yannai had 
composed an independent liturgical work, as the 
expression “xx 73x could not be taken in any 
other sense. This assumption gained strength 
from an ancient Book List, found in the Genizah 
and published by Poznansky in 1903, for in that 
list a book by the name of ‘xy fxm is actually 
recorded.2. On the other hand, the two new 
poems ascribed to Yannai which were discovered 


18 Ibid., F. According to Mann (J. Q. R., New Series, [X, 
pp. 154-155) Yannai is mentioned at the very beginning of 
this fragment, taking the expression "x3 “Bx (Saadyana, p. 66, 
]. 1) as a poetical metaphor for ‘sx mn. 

1 bid ase: 

20 Comp. Harkavy myo 31 21 106; Brody (Jewish En- 
cyc., XII, 586) puts him as early as the first half of the 
seventh century. Elbogen (Der jud. Gottesdienst, 309) places 
him circa 700. 


ah QO R:.; XV5977, Nos 12: 


INTRODUCTION xii 


by Wertheimer and published by him in 1go1,” 
even if genuine, point only to the possible ex- 
istence of other compositions by Yannai, but are 
no proof in themselves of the existence of a dis- 
tinct and comprehensive liturgical work by that 
ancient poet. But in rg1o it was my good for- 
tune to discover a fragment which actually con- 
tained quotations from Mahzor Yannai.¥ This 
fragment, in addition to giving us the beginnings 
of four unknown poems by Yannai,” established 
the fact beyond any doubt that at one time there 
existed a Mahzor of Yannai. 

Withal, our information in regard to this Mahzor 
remained scant. There was no indication either 
of its extent or its nature. The statement of 
Rabbi Gershom that Yannai composed Kerobot 
for every order of the year was in itself not suf- 
ficiently clear,* and Kirkisani’s statement that 


2 novi, I] (Jerusalem 1901) 18b and 19a. They were 
published from a MS. which he had sold to Oxford (Neu- 
bauer, Cat. IT, 2708 r). 

% Comp. J. Q. R., N.S., Vol. 1, 105 ez seq. 

* These are: 1) ‘nh 223 poo’ > ON; 2) mp Psy cme. NIPAD IN; 
3) moan paanmmnp nowy; 4) ims prnonbsdx. In the article 
mentioned in the preceding note (loc. cit., p. 108) the fourth 
poem was overlooked. Correct also statement of Elbogen 
(I.c., 310). 

% Note,- for instance, the conclusions which: Graetz and 
Elbogen have reached in reference to Yannai’s literary ac- 
tivity. The former states (Geschichte, V, 165) that Yannai 
wrote Kerobot for the Special Sabbaths, and the latter main- 
tains (/.c., 309) that he wrote Kerobot for Festivals, and both 
base their opinions upon this passage. 


XIV MAHZOR YANNAI 


Yannai’s liturgical work was used by Anan as a 
source for his Halaka only made the problem more 
complicated. 

With the publication of the texts in this vol- 
ume, however, all difficulties are cleared up. It 
will be seen, first of all, that Yannai was a pro- 
lific writer, for the fragments of his Mahzor give 
evidence that this was a work of very large scope. 
It will also be seen that his compositions are sui 
generis, unlike those of Kalir, or his followers. 
Moreover, it will be shown that he preceded Kalir 
in developing the structure of the Kerobah, and in 
this respect he may truly be regarded as the 
teacher of Kalir. Finally, it will be shown from 
these texts that the theory of Yannai’s Palestinian 
origin is the one most acceptable. 

Nothing is known of Yannai’s life or his an- 
cestry; even his father’s name is unknown. Like 
all the ancient Payyetanim he must have been a 
Hazan, and to judge from the abundance of allu- 
sions to Talmud and Midrash found in his compo- 
sitions he must have been well versed in Rabbinic 
lore. 


2. The Rise of the Didactic Piyyut 


While it is not within the province of this study 
to deal with the rise of the Piyyut in general, 
I may be permitted, by way of introduction, to 
state briefly the conclusions to which Jewish 
scholarship has come on this point after a century 
of research. It is no longer doubted that Pales- 
tine was the cradle of the Piyyut. It is also no 


ENTER OD Ue TION XV 


longer a matter of dispute that the development 
from the simple form of the older liturgy to the 
highly artificial diction and construction of the 
Kaliric type was a slow and gradual process, 
extending over several centuries, and that it did 
not spring suddenly into being as a result of the 
spread of Islam and Arabic culture.% It is not 
denied that the diffusion of Arabic learning and 
poetry gave an impetus to the development of 
the Piyyut, but it is quite certain that the Piyyut 
was in process of development long before Islam 
swayed the East. This much is accepted as 
certain.” 

What is still in need of further elucidation is 
the question concerning the influences which 
shaped the development of the Piyyut. What 
were the forces that changed the simple liturgy 


% In his essay “Die Anfange der neuhebraischen Poesie” 
(M. G. W. J., Vol. 8, pp. 401-413; Vol. 9, pp. 19-29, 57-69) 
as well as in his History (Geschichte, Vol. 54, pp. 161-167), 
Graetz maintains that the development of the Piyyut de- 
pended largely on the spread of Arabic culture among the 
Jews. He laid too much emphasis on the statement of 
Saadia ibn Danan that before Kalir rime was unknown in 
Hebrew poetry: 9137 397 ‘117-389 °3 snNSMI TIT Nw|M snwpa 7331, 
*1SNOND OWI 39 wows Nor yTt xd $7 yop 879 (Edelman, ana mon, 
Konigsberg, 1856, p. xviii) and made all his data subordi- 
nate to the view that the Jews borrowed the rime from the 
Arabs, as if it were a mathematical axiom. As a matter 
of fact, Zunz had already pointed out a greater antiquity for 
the rime (G. V. p. 392, note b), though the contact with 
the Arabs may have brought it into greater vogue. 

27 Comp. Elbogen, Der judische Gottesdienst, pp. 281-282, 
285-286; Eppenstein in M. G. W. J., vol. 52, pp. 465-466. 


Xvi MAHZOR YANNAI 


to the highly complex hymn and the lucid 
Biblical phraseology to the artificial diction? 
The complexity of construction may perhaps be 
explained by ascribing it to the influence of Syriac 
poetry,” but it has never been convincingly shown 
why men like Kalir, who had such wonderful 
mastery of the Hebrew language, should have 
chosen to clothe their thoughts in cryptic language. 

A solution to this problem may, however, be 
derived from the accounts which have come down 
to us from the Middle Ages concerning the rise 
of the Piyyut. In the Sepher ha-Pardes ascribed 
to Rashi there is a statement by Joseph Ibn Plat 
in the name of his ancestor Benjamin b. Samuel 
of Constantinople, or Kastoria, that the Piyyut 
arose at a time when learning was on the decline, 
and that it formed a sort of substitute for the 
Midrash. While it is difficult to see how it is 
possible to connect the decline of learning with 
the progress of the Piyyut,—for the nature of the 
Piyyut presupposes a vast amount of erudition 
both on the part of the Payyetan and on that of 
his audience, — there is no reason to doubt that at 


28 Comp. Zunz, Litg., pp. 23-24. 

29 The passage reads: >xioy 773 pos [9 37 Wupr ETT TY, 
sow Is NOD ON wD ADD ADIN AM yawd m7 wypwa ax O7pr cmDIpA 
wuid pipes may myo [Apan AST] Apna St Wav “por wD? Ny LITT? 
@nsyn yer [manp] (ran ome, Warsaw, 1870, No. 174). The 
corrections in brackets are those of Epstein in M. G. W. J., 
Vol. 44, p. 295, who is also responsible for the statement that 
Joseph ibn Plat is the author of this passage. Graetz, citing 
this passage in his essay (M. G. W. J., Vol. 9, p. 24), ascribes 
it to R. Isaac Halevi. 


INTRODUCTION XVII 


one time in the history of the Synagogue service 
the Piyyut took the place of the Midrash. 

Again, in disputing the rights of the Piyyutim 
to interrupt the regular prayers, R. Judah b. 
Barzillai Albargeloni in his Sepher ha-Ittim, puts 
forth as a reason for his view the fact that the 
Piyyutim were originally instituted only in times 
of persecution. *; [here was\a\ time,’ he: says; 
“when the Jews were forbidden by their op- 
pressors to engage in the study of the Law. The 
learned men among them, therefore, introduced 
the custom of mentioning in the course of the 
prayers the laws of the festivals and the laws of 
the Sabbath and religious observance and ex- 
horting the common people in regard to them, 
by means of hymns, thanksgivings, rimes and 
Piyyutim.” *° 

This passage was extracted and published by 
Halberstam as long ago as 1870,*! when the Sepher 
ba-Ittim was still in manuscript; and while 
Halberstam justly connected the persecution men- 
tioned by Albargeloni with the edict of Justinian 
against the study of “Deuterosis,” *? he failed to 


30 sinba sown nywa sos [owr|an] wpns gow sox xmas N35 xm 
pipy>? now Sxnem Sy NA pan yD mn sat amd por yn gow pp 
spyd wimnds pon? mbann $593 ond pspna wrsaw mesnnt yn 3 Sys ans 
minay Ja Mryan papa minaw mada paw oo mdm ana ann mas payn 
myrar min nem (anya po Krakau, 1902, p. 252). 

31 Comp. Kobak, 1, Vol. 6, p. 130. It was also printed 
by Koronel among other extracts from the Sepher ha-Ittim 
in his 33 121 (Vienna, 1872, fol. 1322). 

82 Comp. Graetz, Geschichte, Vol. 54, pp. 410-413; Heb. 
Translation, Vol. 3, p. 32 and p. 400, note 124. 


XVIil MAHZOR YANNAI 


emphasize the real import of this passage for the 
history of the liturgy.** As far as I am able to 
ascertain, Eppenstein was the first to hit upon 
the real significance of this passage, when he cited 
it as a proof that at a certain period in the history 
of the Synagogue services the Hazan took over 
the function of the Darshan; in other words, that 
in addition to the purely devotional Piyyut, there 
came into existence also the didactic or Halakic 
Piyyut.** But he also did not take full advantage 
of his own interpretation of the passage and did 
not draw any further conclusions from it. To me, 
however, it appears that in the light of these two 


33 Halberstam concludes his article with the following 
words: }83 PN)] D72N) O73 PANT? ws Der 3pD OITA AK ba snpnyn, 
[oma (re, ibid., p. 130). 

3 Comp. M. G. W. J., Vol. 52, p. 467. It is strange, how- 
ever, that in the entire paragraph on Die Entwickelung der 
synagogalen Poesie, he does not cite the passage from the 
Pardes which expressly supports his theory in the words: 
PyyT Pras mamp ew ope. ney. Another striking support of 
this theory is to be found in the Arukh. S.v. snp, the Arukh 
explains the Midrashic passage “7p ™N7 NOX ,2217 Npas 529 ID 
pyvp) ap “amt (Pesikta, ed. Buber, 179a according to MS. 
Oxford) with the words jp jw ,tawa bya wpa bya “eB. = To 
this Benjamin Musafia adds the remark ‘pa ws 72 "D378 
mon bys oss. According to Kohut (ad loc.) the Greek word 
from which Musafia derives 3p is dxpiBys. Now, whether 
we accept Musafia’s etymology or not, the fact remains that 
2? was taken to signify “one versed in the law,” and as a 
matter of fact in our edition of Lev. R. 30, and in Buber’s 
text of the Pesikta (/.c.) the word 3p is substituted by jw. 

Additional proof from the mvn printed here for the first 
time, will be brought below in sect. 9 


INTRODUCTION X1x 


passages many things which formerly seemed not 
a little puzzling may now be made clear and 
intelligible. 


3. The Cryptic Language of the Piyyut 


First of all, we find in these two passages a 
plausible reason why the early Payyetanim broke 
away from the simplicity of language which marks 
the “Stammgebete.”” If we grant that the early 
Payyetanim had to introduce Halakic discourses 
and Midrashic homilies into the body of the 
prayers and at the same time had to guard against 
detection from the outside, we realize at once why 
they chose to speak in hints and allusions. One 
is strongly reminded of the secret epistle sent to 
Raba of Mahuza informing him of the fixing of 
the Calendar in the reign of Constantine II and 
the co-emperor Gallus (353 C.E.). “A pair came 
from Rakkath” — so reads the letter according 
to the Talmudic tradition — “and an eagle caught 
them, and they had with them the things that are 
made in Luz. But by the mercy of God and their 
own merits they escaped. When the offspring of 
Nahshon wished to appoint a prefect, the Edomite 
would not permit them. But the members of the 
assemblies gathered together and appointed a 
prefect in the month in which Aaron the Priest 
died.” * This reads like a cipher, yet it was still 
understood by R. Hananeel in the rth century, 

85 b. Sanhedrin 127. The phrase n?2n 173 ‘x2 is undoubtedly 
a marginal gloss explaining 173 pwyin om37 which crept into 
the text. 


Xx MAHZOR YANNAT 


who deciphered it as follows: * “Two messengers 
were sent from Tiberias; on the way they were 
held up by some Roman official, but due to their 
observance of the laws of ‘fringes,’ they escaped. 
The Patriarch desired to make the year a leap- 
year at the regular time, but as the government 
did not permit, they decided in the month of Ab 
to make the following year a leap-year.” *7_ Even 
Prayers couched in cryptic language are not rare 
in Talmudic literature,** but the above passage is 
sufficient to show that the method of speaking in 
allusions was already in use in early times. The 
Payyetanim therefore have merely adapted an 
old method to new conditions. 


4. Yannai’s Liturgical Compositions as a Source 


for Halaka 


Then again, from the testimony of the Karaite 
Kirkisani, we know that Anan, the founder of 
Karaism, drew in two instances upon the Piyyutim 
of Yannai for his legal sources.*° How can we 


36 Comp. >x2n 9 ad. loc., also Wy s.v. #°, and ‘7w ad loc. 

37 [ follow R. Hananeel ad Joc. 28 wana miwn wy DANA AIT 
own’ mwn weionp; comp. also Rashi ad loc. prin ssap Ne?K 
saya peye. Graetz (Gesch., Vol. 4, p. 343) assumes that they 
intercalated the month of Ab. Comp. also ibid., p. 491. 
For similar forms of speech in Talmud, comp. b. Erubin 53° 
49) JD2 NPI My an TION naan Nw ynwa MAID DIT NNT; also 
Moed Katon 9°. 

38 Comp. Jawitz, mex paren, in Hoffman’s Festschrift, 
pp. 69-71. 

39 Comp. below, sect. 12, B, C. 


INTRODUCTION XXI 


explain this unless we say that, in addition to in- 
spiring his audience with religious devotion, the 
function of the Payyetan was also to expound the 
laws in his poems. 

Ingenious as this theory is and clear though 
the statements of Albargeloni and Joseph ibn 
Plat read, we nevertheless have had no positive 
evidence until now that there were Piyyutim 
which were Halakic to a large extent. Kalir’s 
compositions do occasionally treat of laws, but 
they are overwhelmingly Agadic in character. 
An argument from the Azharot would not be to 
the point since they form a class by themselves, 
and the legal nature of the later Piyyutim, such, 
for instance, as Joseph Tob Elem’s,*® are likewise 
no proof, since they also are only sporadic. The 
fragments of Yannai’s Mahzor, however, give us 
for the first time positive support of this theory and 
do away with all doubt on the subject, for the 
Halakic nature of the Piyyutim in these fragments 
is self-evident. 


5. Yannat’s Mabzor and the Triennial Cycle 


From the way in which these fragmentary 
poems are grouped around the Biblical sections, we 
can see that the work in its complete state must 
have formed a sort of Halakic Midrash to the 
Pentateuch in poetic form. This is in thorough 
agreement with the statement of R. Gershom that 


40 Comp. e.g., the Piyyut masnn> ona sax for the Great 
Sabbath. 


XXil MAHZOR YANNAI 


Yannai wrote Kerobot for each weekly portion 


of the Bible.“t | Mark the expression 71017710 53>. 
He does not say navynaw 52%, in which case the 
theme of the Kerobot might have been purely 
devotional. R. Gershom undoubtedly means to 
imply that the theme of each Kerobah was taken 
from the Biblical portion of the week. This is 
borne out by our fragments which comprise the 
remnant of seven Kerobot, grouped about seven 
different weekly portions of the Bible, beginning 
with the following verses: Leviticus 13:29, 14:1, 
14:33, 1621/1525, 20:1; 22:17.. Viewed trom) the 
point of the annual cycle, five of these verses 
form the middle of the sections yro yn and px, 
and therefore could not have been taken as head- 
ings for Kerobot. But here, again, the theory 
of Yannai’s Palestinian origin comes to our assist- 
ance. For, on examining the divisions of the 
Sedarim in the Book of Leviticus, based upon 
the Triennial Cycle, current in Palestine, we find 
that the seven verses used by Yannai as texts 
for his Kerobot exactly mark the beginning of 
seven Sedarim, namely Sedarim 8 to 12, 17 and 18 


41 sqpy "7D 52>) manp O“DI QNWNIN ODN yD Maw ND 4 TN, 
Comp. pon aw ed. Buber, p. 25. It is strange that Elbogen, 
in citing this passage, mistranslates it ‘“‘dass Yannai fiir 
alle Festtage kerobot verfasst hat”? (Der jad. Gottesdienst, p. 
309), whereas in a preceding chapter (bid., p. 286), he states 
quite without any emphasis that “‘im Anschluss an die Peri- 
kopen des dreijahrigen Zyklus wurden auch Piutim fir alle 
Sabbate verfasst.”” Comp. also his Studien zur Gesch. d. pid. 
Gottesdienstes, p. 47. 


INTRODUCTION XXIll 


of Leviticus.*? The phrase 1101770 53 of R. Ger- 
shom now receives a fresh significance. It is for 
the Sedarim of the Triennial Cycle that Yannai 
composed his Kerobot. The weekly portions of 
the Bible in the annual cycle are usually desig- 
nated not as Sedarim but as nrwmp. We cannot, 
of course, adduce this as positive evidence that 
Yannai was a Palestinian, for it may be argued 
that the Triennial Cycle was also current in a few 
localities outside of Palestine. But it does prove 
that in his liturgical compositions Yannai took 
cognizance of the Palestinian rather than the Baby- 
lonian usage. On the other hand, since we know 
from Benjamin of Tudela that in Cairo, in 1170, 
the reading of the law in the synagogue of the 
“men of the land of Israel’ was completed in 
three years,“ and since our fragments were found 
in the Cairo Genizah, we have the full right to 
assert that the Mahzor of Yannai was at one time 
in use at the Palestinian Synagogues of Cairo. 


42 In the Massora these Sedarim are designated as follows: 
(8) ANDIP AWN IW eeN (9) AN ANN TAM (TO) 33 “AnNT AM 
(11) WIND EOS ENT IDT (12) BND AWN (17) O3NIT ON WNT ION 
(18) 9p wets, Comp. moma mxipe Venice, 1524. “1710 POX 
moon “ay mun; Saphir, veo 1x II, 230-231; Friedmann, 
sinon ma IIT, 230; Theodor, M. G. W. J., Vol. 35 (1886), 
pp. 406-409; Biichler, J. Q. R., V, 420, etc. In the texts 
given in the Hebrew part I place these designations at the 
head of their respective Kerobot. 

#3 See pos myo, ed. Asher, p. 98. 


XXIV MAHZOR YANNAI 


6. The Causes of the Neglect of Yannai’s 


Compositions 


It is most likely that Yannai’s Piyyutim were 
neglected and gradually fell into desuetude and 
were finally forgotten because of the fact that 
they were so closely connected with the Triennial 
Cycle and were so thoroughly Halakic in nature. 
The opposition of men like Albargeloni to the 
use of Piyyutim in the body of the prayers, 
as well as the ineptitude of such subjects for de- 
votional purposes, together with the fact that the 
Triennial Cycle itself was discarded, were the 
real factors that brought about the disappearance 
of Piyyutim like those of Yannai. Kalir, on the 
other hand, who took the substance of the 4gada 
for his material, met with great popularity. Zunz 
says that Kalir’s Piyyutim may be regarded in a 
certain sense as poetic Pesiktas.** To character- 
ize Yannai’s compositions in a similar way, we 
may say that his Piyyutim are Halakic Mid- 
rashim dressed in poetic garb. 


“'G. V.2, 396.,, ‘Comp. also Rapoport, 2 'sny. p. 176. 
From this point of view the Kaliric phrase mwt9 mim wn yy 
‘smaymn (in his Piyyut nyox pws), rendered by Arnheim 
“Neue Lieder und Tone der Dichtungen jubeln meine Lip- 
pen” (nmxr Glogau u. Leipzig, 1840, p. 178), receive a fresh 
meaning. It is “Dichtungen” which are supposed to take 
on the nature of Midrashim. Comp. also Zunz, Litg., p. 33, 
note 7. 


INTRODUCTION XXV 


7. Yanna and Kalir 


The contrast between the popularity of Kalir 
and the neglect of Yannai is perhaps the origin 
of the legend, emanating from R. Ephraim of 
Bonn, that Yannai, having become jealous of the 
reputation of his pupil Kalir, threw a scorpion in 
his shoe which caused his death.“ To take this 
statement literally would certainly be absurd. 
We must regard it merely as an idiom, undoubtedly 
Oriental in origin, for expressing unfriendliness. 
And while I am unable to find a parallel for it, I 
have no doubt as to the correctness of the inter- 
pretation. It merely points to some unpleasant 
relations between Yannai and Kalir.* 

One point more touching both Yannai and Kalir 
must be cleared up before we proceed further in 
the study of our poet. Until now we held with 
Zunz that Kalir was “the Law giver”’ in the field 
of Kerobot.‘7 We believed that it was he who 
first developed the structure of the Kerobah. 
But from our texts we will see that the Kerobah 
had its structure already perfected in the liturgy 
of Yannai. Whether he was the first to develop 
it Or Not is not safe to assert. At all events/we 
must take away the credit from Kalir, though it 
remains true that the later Payyetanim modeled 
their compositions after those of Kalir, as the 
names Yopoxr,.>pem etc. indicate.4® Yannai’s 

4 Comp. 197 012 VI, 25, cited below sect. 12, I. 


4 Comp. also inn, N. Y., 1917, No. 22, p. 10. 
SETI g Pi 29: 48 Jbid., p. 34, note I. 


XXV1 MAHZOR YANNAI 


compositions, though voluminous, must have dis- 
appeared at a very early date, or at least remained 
local, and had no influence on his successors. 


8. The Structure of Yannai’s Kerobot 


Let us then get a clear idea of the structure of 
the Kerobah as formed by Yannai. This will 
enable us to determine at a glance how much is 
missing in some of the Kerobot given below in 
the Hebrew part, and will also help us to decide 
whether the Piyyut mnom~yacns, the single 
Kerobah of Yannai found in print, has come down 
to us complete or not. 

A careful study of the text of our fragments will 
show that the Kerobah of Yannai consists of the 
following parts: *° 

I. Magen (36). A poem inserted near the end 
of the first benediction of the Amidah, always 
containing half the Alphabet (from 8 to >) in 
acrostic, and followed by the Biblical verse with 
which the Seder of the Kerobah begins. This, 
again, is followed by verses from other parts of 
the Bible to which reference may have been made 
in the poem. 

49 All printed Keroboth, whether of Yannai or other 
Payyetanim, are preceded by the introductory formula 
oa ox2n pa; in our fragment, however, this introduction 
is invariably missing. This in itself argues a later date for 
this introduction. As an additional argument for its later 
origin we may bring the fact that it consists of four riming 
phrases modelled perhaps after Kalir’s “conclusions.” Yan- 


nal always employs only three riming phrases in his “con- 
clusions.” 


INTRODUCTION XXVIl 


I a. Conclusion to Magen (monn, later called 
sna): A short verse, consisting of three riming 
phrases,®° beginning with the same word with 
which the preceding Biblical quotation concludes,» 
and leading up to the idea characteristic of the 
Benediction. This scheme of construction is not 
new with Yannai, for it is already found in the 
daily Kedushah. The piece beginning s13 > +7 
so31 is nothing else but the nnn of the Kedushah. 
It begins with the words with which the last Bib- 
lical quotation of the Kedushah concludes, viz.: 
mdor ty 79 ws PAN poy? a pom,°? and leads up to 
the idea of the third benediction. Inthe Kedusha 
for the Musaf service of Sabbath this scheme is 


50 The “conclusions” in Kalir’s and later Kerobot in- 
variably consist of four riming phrases. 

8! The printers have often omitted the Biblical verses, 
because they did not realize the relationship between the 
verses and the “conclusions,” and have thereby caused the 
opening of the “conclusions” to seem arbitrary. Further- 
more, they generally inserted there the word jm to indicate 
that from there the cantor should begin to chant. This, of 
course, is a complete reversion of the original custom. For, 
surely, before the age of printed prayer books it was the 
Hazan who read the Piyyutim entire, not the congregation. 
In this connection, it may be well worth citing the following 
passage from the Responsum of R. Jair Hayyim Bachrach 
(vx mn No. 238): ‘mae pips mn Now monn *D apr WAX TTS 4737 
“Tra ODM pen Dy pr oan aN omanpn man xbw wow 77y 
YONPS O32 INIA NAY ANID JD) AMAIA aNd tay OO ww YD OTD AbD 
Tw pen ns pyys Ninw ,49) O33) DIN WDD omorww noo 14 


DI|IA NW... pO n7y wysnsw nyd pr ...anD 135 Oo 7 ND OY OT 
7. DMP) ows? AS pT 55> HATA OD AITVON WSN NIT ANDWw oy Wd 


2 The word mn, being a response, was not taken into 
consideration. 


XXVill MAHZOR YANNAI 


further developed thus: yrx7 92 899 MRIs WIT wp 
wo is followed by omyx>bp yas; and ‘m2 43 
ipay by isin wrod and NN ‘And nee pow 
by 12> 817 IHN. 

II. Mebayyeh (vn). A poem inserted near the 
end of the second benediction of the Amidah, 
completing the acrostic of the Alphabet (from © 
to n), followed by the next verse of the Seder 
and other verses from various parts of the Bible. 

II a. Conclusion to Mebayyeb. Similar in 
structure to No. I, a. 

III. A poem of a Messianic character contain- 
ing the author’s name in acrostic, followed by 
various Biblical verses. 

TV. s358 9 wipans 

This superscription is placed in our fragments 
at the head of the Piyyutim which precede the 
Kedusha, and together with which they take the 
place of the third benediction in the repetition of 
the Amidah by the Hazan (ywa min). In all 
printed rituals these Piyyutim are headed by two 
verses: Ps. 146:10 abon aay 99 yes PaeN Day? 7 qe 
and Ps. 22:4 Ss mbnn avr wripansi; the former 
is sometimes introduced by the word 19x» and to 
the latter are appended the words s3 5x, without 
any apparent connection. There is no connection 
between the two verses themselves, nor between 
them and the Piyyutim that precede or follow. 
The difficulty with regard to Ps. 146:10 was not 
even noticed by commentators and literary critics, 
but the incongruity of the use of 35x received 
the attention of a few scholars. Zunz regards the 


INTRODUCTION XXIX 


two words x25x as belonging to the quotation 
from Ps. 22:4, but does not explain the connec- 
tion. Arnheim (ad loc.) translates it by the 
exclamation, “O Gott!” without any further 
remark. Kobak takes it to be a sign that in cer- 
tain communities Ps. 22:4 was immediately fol- 
lowed by the Piyyut ypry;nohy>s35s omitting the 
intervening poems. Berliner explains the pres- 
ence of these two words in this place as follows: 
In the Kerobot of Kalir, he says, the quotation 
from Psalm 22:4 is always followed by a short 
Piyyut beginning s35s and ending ons snip prn 
winpt. In this respect, however, Kalir was not 
always followed by the other Payyetanim, and as 
a consequence many Kerobot do not have such a 
Piyyut. To supply this omission some communi- 
ties made use of the ancient prayer pryin adty> x3 x 
and inserted here the words 839s as a reference 
to that prayer. The printers, however, inserted 
these words of reference even in Kerebot which 
contained the short prayer in question, and the 
result was all the more confusing. This is the 
substance of Berliner’s remarks on this question.® 

A thorough examination, however, of the Kero- 
bot of Kalir and others will show that this state- 
ment is entirely erroneous. First of all, we will 
find that in most of Kalir’s Kerobot this par- 
ticular section does not begin with s3>x. In 
the Sabionetta Mahzor of 1560 the Kerobah ?*n nx 
for the New Year is altogether without the words 

8552 Pes p: 60: 44 mer VIT, p. 64. 
5 Randbemerkungen, Il, p. 66. 


XXX MAHZOR YANNAT 


xo>s in this particular section; and even in 
Kerobot where the words s3%s do occur at the 
beginning of this particular section, it is evident 
that they could not have been there originally. 
The Kerobah of Kalir for Shekalim begins in the 
Sabionetta edition o-ypan 53 syw> are s3 5s, but the 
context plainly shows that there is no connection 
between 35x and what follows. Secondly, we will 
find that in no Kerobah is this section ever mis- 
sing. It is true that it does not always begin 
with x3 5x, but it is always present and always ends 
with the word wp. There was, therefore, no 
need of ever using the old prayer pryin ndty> 83 5s as 
a substitute. The use of the words s35y in this 
place must therefore have come about in some 
other way. 

To clear up all these difficulties I suggest the 
following. The words ympanx and x35x were ori- 
ginally used only as rubrics. Just as the first sec- 
tion of the Kerobah is called 139 and the second 
mn, so is this fourth section, consisting of two 
parts, designated by the two rubrics wopans and 
sibs. The reason for this is that since this sec- 
tion is the beginning of the Piyyutim which take 
the place of the third benediction, and since that 
benediction begins wpanx, or ans wmsp according 
to the Palestinian Ritual,** the poem was like- 
wise designated as wpans.57 The second part of 
this section, again, is always to be followed by 

© Comp. Elbogen, Der jiid. Gottesdienst, p. 45. 


57 This was preferable to an8 wp because it echoes the 
Biblical verse Ps. 22:4. 


INTRODUCTION XXXI1 


the ancient prayer pynoy?sx3sos and therefore 
was designated as x3>s. The whole section then 
received the designation s3>x—wnpanx. The 
copyist, however, failing to see the significance of 
these catchwords, took wparns as an abbreviated 
form of Ps. 22:4 and generously supplied the rest 
of the verse, letting the words 35s stand. 

To return now to the question how Ps. 146:10 
has come to be introduced here. The fact that 
our fragments show no trace of the use of this 
verse in this connection might lead us to the 
opinion that it is entirely due to the copyists. 
But this is not so. The most plausible explana- 
tion is this. This fourth section of the Kerobah 
under discussion is in all MS. texts preceded by a 
group of Biblical verses, which are of a Messianic 
character. It is therefore natural that they should 
conclude with Ps. 146:10 which speaks of Zion’s 
God ruling forevermore. Hence it is not to be 
taken as the heading of the following Piyyutim 
but as the conclusion of the preceding group of 
Biblical quotations. The printers, however, have 
often omitted all the other verses and left this verse 
stand by itself, causing thereby the prevalent mis- 
comprehension that it is the heading of the fol- 
lowing Piyyutim. The absence of this verse in 
the Kerobot of our fragments may be explained on 
the ground that these Kerobot were intended for 
the ordinary Sabbaths, while all other known 
Kerobot are for special Sabbaths or holidays. 
That such a distinction was made may be seen 
from the fact that in Yannai’s Kerobah “wa cnx 


XXXII MAHZOR YANNAI 


onom for the Great Sabbath this verse does 
occur. 

The first poem of this section, 1.e., the one desig- 
nated as wiipanst, consists of a rimed passage 
without any acrostic ending with the word wp. 
The formula wp: on 813 Dp “Nn «was, in my 
opinion, first used by Kalir, from whom it was 
borrowed by all later Payyetanim. In Yannai 
it does not occur.®® The second poem of this 
section, i.e., the one referred to as 83x, contains 
as acrostic only from the letter s to ° and is fol- 
lowed by the ancient prayer pruyn ody? s35x.5? In 
our fragments this prayer is not reproduced in full. 

V. A poem with a complete acrostic of the al- 
phabet headed by part of the Biblical text of the 
Seder. 


58 In the Piyyut onem “yp nx this passage concludes 
with the words wp ana 813 BY which is the nearest approach 
to the Kaliric formula. This, by the way, proves that the 
reading wp is erroneous. The word e717 is to be taken as 
a word by itself, a sort of response. 

59 In this connection attention may be drawn to the 
opinion of Rapoport (cited by Borges in 327 VII, 23) that 
the prayer yun ody> s3 ox is the composition of Yannai, 
forming in fact the complement to the Piyyut m29 ywn ts in 
the Kerobah ovnsm “wan inasmuch as it completes the 
acrostic, and that it was afterwards transferred to the 
Kerobot of other Payyetanim. If this were the case it 
would be difficult to explain the frequent use which Yannai 
himself makes of this prayer in the Kerobot of our fragment. 
I have no doubt that pan ody> x3 5s is much older than 
Yannai, and that already in his time it was so well known 
that it was only necessary to refer to it by the first two or 
three words, as is done in our fragment. 


INTRODUCTION XXXIll 


VI. Another poem with a complete acrostic of 
the alphabet, headed by one more verse from the 
Seder and introduced by the word }23.. 

VII. A third alphabetic acrostic, likewise 
headed with a verse from the Seder and introduced 
by the word 23. 

VIII. A poem, every word of which forms part 
of an acrostic of the inverted alphabet (pwn) 
without any introduction.®° [t always begins 
with the words with which the preceding poem 
concludes, and is followed by three sub-sections: 

(a) A rimed passage without acrostic, lead- 
ing up to the quotation from Isa. 6:3, indicated by 
the catchword sp. 

(b) A passage without rime, or acrostic, de- 
veloping the idea of the threefold use of the word 
viap and leading up to the quotation from Ezek. 
3:12 indicated by the catchword onny>.? 

(c) Continuation leading up to the quotation 


60 In the Kerobah for Lev. 21, 1 (see Hebrew Text below), 
this section is also introduced by the word 123. Altogether 
it isa point well worth considering, whether the use of 123: in 
this connection was not borrowed from the New Year liturgy, 
and whether we should not expect a threefold use of this 
formula corresponding to JID yn y23 W327 723, and Hp 23. 
On the various responsa dealing with the question of how 
many times 1231 is used in the New Year liturgy, see “wy IND, 
p. 366, note 20. For the meaning of the word, comp. Zunz, 
Sa, p425: 

61 This corresponds to the opening passage of the Kedushah 
(73°73). 

6 Corresponds to the Kedushah passage beginning 8991123 
poy. 


XXXIV MAHZOR YANNAI 


from Deut. 6:4, indicated by the catchword 
pnyp.% 

IX. Consists of an alphabetic acrostic followed 
by a number of rimes of a Messianic character, 
leading up to Num. 15:41, indicated by the 
catchword nr. 

Since the Kerobot were part of the Morning 
Service, the presence of Deut. 6:4 in the Amidah 
is another proof of Yannai’s Palestinian origin. 
For we know from a responsum of Yehudai Gaon 
that in Palestine the yow was recited in the 
Kedusha of nny and not in that of »piw.® 


9g. Yannai’s Kerobah for the Great Sabbath 


If, now, we subject the Kerobah mnom“pe cnx 
to the test of this scheme of construction, we shall 
find that four out of the nine sections are wanting. 
The first four sections are found complete, except- 
ing that the Biblical verses before the two con- 
clusions (i.e., Ia and II a) are wanting either 
entirely or in part in printed editions.* These 


68 Corresponds to the passage beginning 11pp». 

* Corresponds to mx sincans. It is safe to assume that 
there was a fifth part to this section, leading up to the quota- 
tion of Ps. 146:10 and that its omission here is due either 
to the defective state of our MSS. or to the fact that like 
PIN TIN it was used only in the Kerobot for Festivals and 
the New Year. 

& Comp. Ginzberg, Geonica II, 48, etc. Ginzberg also 
called attention to the fact that Kalir must have had the 
yow in the Kedushah of nny (2bid., p. 420). 

66 In the Sabionetta Mahzor some verses are cited but not 
all; in the ordinary editions the verses are entirely omitted. 


PN TRO DU) ett O.N XXXV 


however, are found in three MSS. of the Jewish 
Theological Seminary,®’ showing that the omis- 
sions are due to the whims of the printer. The 
next poem, MND o'Ds 31 tx, Since it is introduced by 
the word j23) must, according to our scheme, be 
taken for the sixth section, and the last poem, 
beginning mb ppd PRD zDD and preceded by the 
introductory phrase wp Ans *D AwMp mbyn 4> yon 
yrns Sxqw, is certainly section VIIIa, since it is 
without acrostic and leads up to the quotation 
from Is. 6:3. 

But here we are confronted with a number of 
difficulties. First of all, according to our scheme, 
section VIIIa is never introduced by 231; sec- 
ondly, the introductory word }j23) is always fol- 
lowed in Yannai’s liturgy by a Biblical verse 
from the Seder, i.e. the Biblical portion of the week, 
which is not the case here; and thirdly, how are 
we to explain the use of the two successive 
phrases, awisp mbyn qo yaa and nbd upd pxca yom the 
one immediately following the other? ®* All these 
difficulties, however, may be explained as follows. 
A perusal of our printed Mahzor will show that 
the pin, that is the poem which immediately pre- 
cedes the Kedushah and corresponds to section 
VIII in Yannai’s Kerobot, is always preceded by 
the introduction nwmp mdbyn 95 329) with the further 
differentiation, that in the Kerobot for the New 


67 Comp. preface above. 

68 The apparently ungrammatical construction of }8 °3 3231 
7229 is obviated in certain texts (e.g., MS. C) by reading 
PIB? PN 7231. 


XXXvl MAHZOR YANNAI 


Year this introductory phrase ends with mans °5 
sboirms, in the Kerobot for the Day of Atone- 
ment it ends with niprome qe wares ans’s and in 
the Kerobot for all other occasions it ends with 
yewror ostew wrap ans °2.69 In other words, the char- 
acter of the day is indicated in the concluding 
words of this introductory phrase. This intro- 
ductory phrase is undoubtedly a later interpola- 
tion and does not belong to the original composi- 
tion. Like the introduction onan oon DD in 
which the same method is adopted,’”° it must 
have been introduced by some later Payyetan. 
His object undoubtedly was to indicate the pip of 
each Kerobah. 

Bearing this in mind we may explain the con- 
struction of the last section in the Kerobah under 
discussion as follows. The word jo of the 
phrase nb) puno px a yaa is really the remnant of 
section VII, which, according to our scheme, 
should be preceded by 22» and a Biblical verse. 
This verse, however, has been lost, together with 
the entire section VII, leaving only its introduc- 
tory word. 

The beginning of the section under discussion, 
in its original state, was really n> qd pon and is 
really section VIIIa. But the copyist erroneously 


69 Since this is based on Is. 43: 3 Tend PNT WITIP TAN °% 938 13 
The reading yes: common in all editions is incorrect. 

70 For 779 it ends with 758 *35 yand) mond oonsnnat moans °D ANN|N 
ONIN IIIN Dar 35D, for par it ends with mp 75p ‘32 ...nnNDN 
ony? nop, while for the festivals it ends with o321 Yw3 *p ANNES 
BssyO yaw "3p Sond: mrad, 


INTRODUCTION XXXVI1 


fused the introductory word }>2 that was left of 
section VII with the section immediately follow- 
ing it. And since the eighth section was also lost 
this poem was taken for the pba of the Kerobah, 
and the copyist prefixed the introduction 7 j22 
ww SNe wp ANS "D2 AVP Abyn to make it conform 
with all other Kerobot. In reproducing this 
Kerobah in this volume the word j23 is restored 
to its proper place and the missing sections, viz., 
V, VII, VIII, VIII b, c and [X are so indicated. 

The poem amna ats which in some rituals is 
placed immediately before section VIIla™ is cer- 
tainly an interpolation of the copyists intended to 
take the place of the missing poem (VIII). Zunz 
lists it among anonymous compositions 7” and 
Rapoport ascribes it to a certain Menahem with- 
out giving his reasons for it.” At all events it is 
not the composition of Yannai, and the rituals 
which assign it for the Musaf service of the Great 
Sabbath * are more correct in their tradition. 

In MS. B the poem omnaate5 is not only 
placed immediately before section VIIIa as it is 
done in some rituals, but is preceded by a mw 
with a partial acrostic of the Alphabet (from s to 
3). This only shows to what extent the medi- 
aeval scribes took liberties with the liturgic 
material at hand, and how arbitrary they were in 
their arrangement of compositions. For there is 
certainly no place for a men in this part of the 

71 Comp. Dewan ayy Amst. 1717. 12 ao 80; 
73 Comp. ton VII, p. 23. 
7 Comp. wap nvm Venice, 1600. 


XXXVIl1 MAHZOR YANNAI 


Kerobah, and it is almost evident on the face of it 
that the mw and the piyyut omnp ats do not 
belong to the same author. The myn, however, 
is an interesting composition in itself. It seems 
to date from Geonic times, for the poet uses the 
expression Mand (wN apy “asa Mea and it gives 
additional support to the theory advanced above 
that the Hazan took the place of the Darshan 
in the statement found at the end of the poem, 
VIZ., MIDIS IN TWIT DpH. 

For this reason and also because it is entirely 
unknown, it is reproduced in this volume together 
with the texts of Yanna. } 

One more point of interest gained from this MS. 
is that the whole series of Piyyutim which we 
designate as Kerobah is termed there xnwrp. 


10. The Fragments of Mahzor Yannat. 


The fragments of Mahzor Yannai have had an 
interesting history in themselves. When Professor 
Schechter “had unearthed the literary débris of 
ages, accumulated in the Cairo Genizah, and 
brought his great ‘hoard of Hebrew Manuscripts’ 
to Cambridge, the collection was unexpectedly 
found to comprise some leaves from a disused 
Synagogue copy of Aquila’s Greek version of the 
Old Testament with portions of that curious and 
famous translation in early uncial writing still 
legible beneath the Hebrew of a later century.” 
(Taylor, in the preface to his book mentioned 
below.) Facsimiles of these palimpsests were 


INTRODUCTION XXXIX 


published and their Greek contents edited in two 
volumes, “Fragments of the Book of Kings, ac- 
cording to the translation of Aquila,” by F. C. 
Burkitt in 1897, containing 6 plates, and “‘ He- 
brew-Greek Cairo Genizah Palimpsests” by C. 
Taylor in 1900, containing 11 plates. A photo- 
graph of Plate IV of Burkitt’s volume is repro- 
duced in the Jewish Encyclopedia, s.v. Aquila, 
and in M. L. Margolis, ““The Story of the Bible 
Pransiations,, ‘Philadelphia, 1917, p!42.4"As far 
as the Hebrew texts. in these palimpsests are 
concerned, nine of the 11 plates in Taylor’s book 
were identified as pieces from Yerushalmi and 
Midrash. But the Hebrew of the first two 
plates and that of the six plates in Burkitt’s book 
remained until now unidentified. These I have 
now identified as leaves from Mahzor Yannai. 

Yannai’s authorship of the compositions con- 
tained in these MSS. cannot be doubted. His 
name occurs four times in four acrostics, each time 
in the same section of the Kerobah (in our scheme 
No. III). Fortunately, the Hebrew of plate I 
of Taylor’s book is a continuation of plate II in 
Burkitt’s book, whereas the Greek of these two 
plates represents two entirely different parts of 
the Bible .(Ps.\ xxi and) 3; Kings xxi 'respee- 
tively). Dr. Taylor suggested that what we have 
before us were the leaves of “a synagogue copy 
of Aquila’s Greek version.” With equal as- 
surance we may assert that in their second state, 
that of palimpsests, these leaves were part of a 
synagogue copy of the long-lost Mahzor of Yannai. 


xl MAHZOR YANNAI 


11. The Contents, Diction and Orthography of 
the. Fragments 


A study of the contents of our fragments shows 
that Yannai combined in his Piyyutim the ele- 
ments of both the Halaka and the Agada, and 
that he followed a well-defined plan in the arrange- 
ment of his material. The first two sections of 
the Kerobah, as well as the fourth and the ninth, 
are all Agadic in character. The third section, 
the one in which his name always occurs in the 
acrostic, is always of a Messianic nature, while 
the fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth deal with the 
Halaka related to the Seder of the Kerobah. Of 
the ninth section, our fragment offers only one 
example,” and from its fragmentary nature we 
may conclude that it is Agadic with a Messianic 
conclusion. 

For his sources Yannai drew not only upon the 
Babylonian and Palestinian Talmudim, but also 
upon the Midrashim Leviticus Rabba and both 
Tanhbumas. What is very striking is that in the 
selection of Biblical verses which always follow 
the first two sections of the Kerobah, Yannai uses 
the identical verses which Lev. R. uses for its 
Proems:® This can hardly “be” regarded as’ ‘ac- 
cidental. It seems more plausible that Yannai 
had before him the Midrash of Leviticus Rabba 
very much in the form which it has before us 

7 Comp. Hebrew part p. 4. 

7° Comp. the Biblical verses in Fragments ‘2, 1 and ’n 
with those used for proems in Lev. R. s. 16, 18 and 19. 


INTRODUCTION xh 


now, in which case we are safe in assuming that 
he flourished not earlier than the middle of the 
seventh century. 

The subject matter of the Piyyutim in our 
fragments may seem to us inappropriate for poetic 
treatment and unseemly for public presentation. 
The laws of leprosy and bodily uncleanliness are 
certainly not calculated for religious services ac- 
cording to our modern notions; not so, however, 
to the men of those times. The Midrash, in its 
quaint manner of couching every idea in some form 
of Biblical exegesis, states its attitude towards 
this question in the following way: ‘One verse 
says: ‘His locks are curled and black as a raven’ 
(Song of Songs v:11) and another verse reads: 
“His aspect is like Lebanon, excellent as the cedars’ 
(ibid., v:15). R. Samuel, the son of Isaac, applies 
these verses to the weekly portions of the Bible. 
Although some of them may appear too black and 
ugly to be read in public, such as the laws of im- 
purity and plagues, menses and child-birth, yet 
the Holy One, blessed be He, said they were 
pleasant tomes (77 

As to the diction of Yannai, our fragments con- 
firm the opinion expressed by Luzzatto 78 on the 
basis of the printed Kerobah onam “wasn that he 
indulges rarely in difficult and unusual forms 
and that he makes frequent use of metaphorical 


77 Comp. Lev. R. s. 19: ‘A w?nw] any2 NoNY ION INN 3n2 
pns’ na Osiow 9... [17 ,ow] DN. ND 713999 ANID TON ANN AnD [87 
POw> nmnws nyo 7 RD Masaw “ays ann ow mnrwaps Xp anD 
Soy may yn a7apn wes nq ass ys AI Mma5A 739 oa 

78 Comp. his ‘ne? 830 p. II. 


xhii MAHZOR YANNAI 


expressions.”? His style is by far simpler than 
that of Kalir. 

In its orthography, our manuscripts present a 
number of peculiarities. Aside from the fact that 
almost all words are written plene, the letter 3 
is sometimes used in place of a yap and the: for a 
bsp; 8° and the words m and on>x are always writ- 
ten t,o x, the latter mostly in quotations from 
the Bible.*!. In reproducing the text I have ad- 
hered closely to the orthography of the MSS. 
Another interesting point is that in one place 
we find the consonant n rime with y.® The simi- 
larity in the pronunciation of these two letters, 
common in Samaritan speech,® is ascribed in the 
Talmud also to the men of Galilee.** But accord- 


79 Here are some of the unusual forms found in our Frag- 
ments. Fragment 8. pnp (1. 2%), mawys (I. 4*), D3 (1. 8°), nx 
and mr> (1. 11°) dry (1. 13%). Fragment 3, ja (1. 2°), por 
(1. 3°). Fragment 7, %8n (1. 64). Fragment 1, m=20 (1, 22°). 
Fragment 1,523> (1. 12). Metaphorical expressions: meow 
for the Greeks (Fragment 8 |. 34); 1m3= God (Fragment 3 
1.12). smn ywiwap = Jewish people (Fragment 1 |. 11°). 

80 Comp. nevi for navi in Fragment 21. 20; tynia for 
wy (ibid., 1. 32); M2anp and qwnp for nusp and 7p in Frag- 
ment} 1. 2, 20; 17y for Fy and ys» for ysp in Fragment 3 
) Asi ite 

81 Comp. Fragments 8 J. 19; 31. 8, 14, 19; 31.18; 11.8, 
19; 1185/20: 

8 In Fragment 7 1. 46 the words nys3 and ays. rime with 
mnyp and nms3x. Another instance of this is found in the 
Kerobah mnamsmacns section II* where 8.4 and y rime 
together. 

8 Comp. Cowley, The Samaritan Liturgy, Vol. 2, p. xxxv. 

8 Comp. b. Erubin 53°. 


INTRODUCTION xlili 


ing to some grammarians an instance of it is also 


found in the Bible.® 


12. Texts Relating to Yannai Arranged 
Chronologically 


Abi Yisuf Yakub Al-Kirkiséni (fl. first half of 
the tenth century). 

A. From Kziiab Al-Anwar, cited by Harkavy, 
without indicating the chapter, in Ha-Magid 1879 
(vol. 23, p. 359) and in abbreviated form, with 
slight modifications in the text and translation, 
in his myo 37 wt p. 107. 

70 ANPPN IS Oy 1D Sy TPT PINs, SAM yD pys opr spr 
sow MOND pmims paipns p> “sy :ONp 86[ANND>N WN] DANN 
wast Asn oy DAN 7 ANOS ND OND wma ND>bD “n> poor 
Ipod OTs iI Nappy, =A Pw ISN AINONP. 2. MII 
AVN MAXON WINt D8 PIS ADS 3D NIN TD INN NNW 
-OAYI OAI|DIWYINT 83" ON 09 mtr 
*‘One who upholds the opinions of the Rabbis 87 
has already argued and refuted those who say 
that the prayers are taken from the Psalms. In- 
asmuch as the Scriptures say ‘that they may offer 
sacrifices of sweet savour unto the God of heaven, 
and pray for the life of the king, and his sons’ 
[Ezra 6:10], how could the prayer for the life of 
Darius and his sons, he argues, be taken from the 
Psalms. . . . Furthermore, there is another proof 
from the verse: “Bless ye God in full assemblies, 
even the Lord, ye that are from the fountain of 
Israel’ [Ps. 68:27]. By this he meant the sages 

& 1 Kings 18, 21. 

86 These two words are omitted in m™yp 329 3. 

87 Harkavy (ad loc.) maintains that this refers to Saadia. 


xliv MAHZOR YANNAI 


of Israel who composed and brought forth many 
hymns and songs of praise to God, such as Yannai, 
Elazar and Phineas and others.”’ 

B. Jbid., chapter 1, section 2, paragraph 11. See 
ed. of Harkavy in Transactions of the Imperial 
Russian Archaeological Society [Zapiski], St. 
Petersbourgh, 1894, p. 284, ll. 16-22, cited pre- 
viously by him in asyp 7421 pp. 107-108, and in 
his 5sw-a minaa nmap, given as supplement to the 
Hebrew translation of Graetz’s History (“25 
aw, vol. 3, Pp. 503-504, 5065). 


.mO>Oy *D yy" 7 MD yD? Dds PINDIDN ONNPNI NOONY INDI 

70 PY SNND NDP’ MANIA ND AIS ADNHOoSX OX “xT py com 

NEI NON TOIp yD Cw NOT IW D> TINT CcINTYoN CON IND INON 

M228 Dp [FOND “D=N 3, FOND NO NON PINDPN Sip °® wows md 

DOD .DONON TY YUN TN Pat NIN Ty YIN “TON PA PID INT 
ONS) FAINT OD ANT NT IPF TSN PN 7D NOY" 


“He was well versed in Rabbinic lore and no one 
among the Rabbis disputed his learning, and it is 
related of Hai, the head of the Academy, that he 
and his father translated the work of Anan from 
Aramaic into Hebrew, and they found nothing 
that could not be traced back to Rabbinic sources, 
excepting that which is in the part relating to 
the first-born ®® and the distinction he made 


88 In this place the passage of Kirkisani is erroneously 
given in the discussion of chapter 13. 

89 Bacher assumes this passage to refer to the “first-born 
of cattle” (J.Q.R. VII, p. 700). Harkavy (ayo 29373) p. 
108 note 3) suggests that Anan possibly held that the law 
of primogeniture applied to both, the one who was the 
father’s first-born as well as the one who was the mother’s 
first-born, and that he based himself upon the passage 
mwxd 23 5) yxd 22 52..m27 found in Yannai’s Kerobah ‘nx 


INTRODUCTION xlv 


between those who sprang from Jews and those 
who sprang from other people. These they did 
not know where Anan took until they found it in 
the Hazanut, i.e. Liturgy, of Yannai.’”’ Harkavy 
justly remarks that the Hai mentioned here is not 
Hai the son of Sherira, but Hai b. David who 
lived in Bagdad for many years before he was 
elevated to the Gaonate, and that if it is true that 
R. Hai occupied himself with the Book of Laws of 
Anan it was perhaps with the purpose of refuting 
it (ibid., pp. 108, 506). Ginzberg (Geonica I, 
158) likewise throws suspicion on the passage, 
pointing out the absurdity of the statement that 
in the entire work of Anan only two points of law 
could not be traced to Rabbinic sources, whereas 
in truth “there are barely two lines in his book 
that are in agreement with the Rabbinical au- 
thorities.”” His second objection that there was 
no reason for translating from Aramaic since the 
Babylonian Jews understood Aramaic equally as 
well as Hebrew, would be obviated if we follow 
the reading of Joseph Albasr in his swxanps>x asn> 
where this passage of Kirkisani is quoted, saying 
that Hai and his father translated Anan’s work 
into Arabic, maryos°>x Fras yo. But even if we 
doubt the statement concerning the translation, 
there is no reason to doubt that Yannai’s liturgic 
compositions served Anan as an Halakic source. 


mnaniswp. This is not unlikely, but we must not overlook 
the fact that Yannai himself borrowed this phrase from the 
Pesikta (see ed. Friedman, fol. 87°). 


xlvi MAHZOR YANNAI 


C. Ibid., Chapter 12 (?), section 39, cited by 
Harkavy in his ayyo sym p. 108. 
INNDON DIN (DAY ANTIN NO 727 °D OND FIND ININY SOND 
SP TON MIND “DON NOTINN INT ONT AINTT yO TIS NO IT 
“Thy ANT DONS Tay Andon 
Harkavy translates this passage as follows: 


npoy md NIT NANA WNID WO INDY AD TMD DN py Do 
DDIT SSN TIDYNS WONY 7D NT OY) SNS °D NIT YN NIN 7D 
<Oxiw 12 538 5 9) To3x nds 


To this he adds the note 7pxo7 WN Not aI °nds Int 
SWHIDIT NIT ASTD? Fs aa. ins Sy Hay> Sow N85 SONA 
on ossy Sse Oss ysm pa ponn pays mbyn> sony 
Without attempting to elucidate this obscure pas- 
sage, it is sufficient for our purpose to note that 
according to Kirkisani, Anan made use of Yannat’s 
liturgical work. 

Saadia Gaon, ben ‘foseph (892-942). 

D. From the Arabic introduction to j*s8755D 
(Harkavy, ayo 3737191, p. 51). 
yDopr powwoy sqywhs Sip po my INWNDN TN MNT ND On 
siywos Sip yD NON FOF NPYD ONEDI YwWITs IWYPNT “NIN CDT 
$870 MIP IND PD TONN? NON NW IDIN TIN NOD NON PIIPNON 
“Then, what I saw that I could support with 
evidence from the words of the ancient poets, 
Jose b. Jose, Yannai, Elazar, Joshua and Phineas, 
I did so. But from the words of the poets who 
are near us in time you will not find me mention- 
ing them except to praise those whose words are 
acceptable.” 

From this it is evident that the ;ruxn1 |p con- 
tained quotations from the writings of Yannai. 

Fehudi ben Sheshet, a pupil of Dunash ibn Labrat 
(fl. in the tenth century). 


INTRODUCTION xlvil 


E. From nmvw jax enm mown s.v. jan (ed. Stern, 
P. 37). WYER DWNT 3D PwT Sy a3 Dy wa ~NNTD TON I 
DWP “DD VP PI, OND WS ND AN NOT 1D TANS Top 

#1.) IY M|D PT JDTMDY 

Anonymous (from the School of Saadia). 

F. From Schechter, Saadyana, p. 73, |. 24 


TYAN NT WD MI os TW Nt ON NIWNI pr at oe 


It is worth noting that there is a striking simi- 
larity between the two metaphoric expressions 
MyONNYP wane in this and ownp poy in 
the preceding quotation. 

G. Ibid., p. 136. Fragment li, verso, line 1-4. 


JOVI ADINPN AYNND NPP? OID IND yrp9K 111/25 DOP dws 
AIYOOS (83 DIP OND IST May Aya IP MBps Siw pripds 


“And the third species is rimed prose. It is ar- 
ranged rhythmically, so that the final words are 
connected with each other. But the meter is 
sometimes long and sometimes short, as for in- 
stance, the poetic compositions of the celebrated 
Yannai.” 

R. Gershom ben Fehuda (960-1028). 

H. From a responsum cited in ypon‘baw (ed. 
Buber, fol. 13a). 


xow ann os> munwnp, neyo S73r owes ow 
DNDITA OM MWA WN ID Oy Ona Ayan TNs mamp db|annd 


90 This is according to the correction of S. Pinsker, in 
neaeip wip», p. 158. The reading of ed. Stern, followed 
by Dukes in mop >on p. 2, note 1, and Harkavy in m3 
myD p. 106, note 4, 1s NXtD TAN 81, 

% Pinsker, oc. cit., reads O>7y. 

% Comp. Dan. 3, 5. *% Comp. Esther 1, 5. 


xlvill MAHZOR YANNAI 


IMD Dad AoRwI ne TARY yO PIO PNW? ON woot “DN 
MNS 3 MWK ID OTN 94 FINwo, srw naw Sex pI 
SD" 73D NIT CD wy ons wow ama... 3303 av? yt 94714 
33nd} — DMD, WD — WII ANNA wD — 733 PoRw uw 
7... ODT oY Sy MWA WNW ,OvT WDD — ow owas jovnd 
595) MINDIDI MIND POYD PIOINW . 9787 NI ONINIS 3] Sw Ny 
ADMD TAIN “IDF [3] 33 PII wpa 93M 939 5999 Ab|M Ad|aNn 
DM MW WNID ,ADID AMS Pyd mdI133 MII O53 WIN ANDI 
Mw .man DIN D7 AND Aywnsar nips Ms IT ANp IT 
TDD OY ANSNM ANN Py MDI AID FID PADINY API TD 
wr Dy 9.5 Paw T7apn Sw naw DT TIN NIT OMDIN YEON 
May cer scan 2d Don Paw Owe ow DN 7p W199 335 
px sawn baby anpr itp 55> mianp p™p) Own a DIN 3D 
>on bab manp yma awn oes yo Tp 72 TydS 4 
DIO NSP DTN LAD OMIT AN MIT MN MaNa VIM 
DIMIYI WIN O83 Tam a> $25 map psp mT 913 Daw 9x7 
DD OW? AaMpP wrv|r mn Oy aNw wyT 333 aw .7DIT 
ADIDA PyH VII Wann» Wd Ass ADIT aI 3y WS MDI TNs} 
NIwWN IND IY 7.n’apn naw yaw mamp ya? sor yo THNd>D wr 

27) TOIT UND Ow 33D 


% The force of the > in xv and 1° is hortative, 1.e., 98w 
and 798°. 

% Here ends the quotation from the Responsum of R. Na- 
tronai and what follows are the words of R. Gershom him- 
self. The expressions wt mewn and ‘27 y=¥ in their present 
context do not fit well. I would suggest one slight correc- 
tion. The passage should read 7p'yt ....h3 mw pera pron 
‘DT THY ...7373 933 PIDINAY, 

% The responsum was also published by Landshuth 
(nMayn “nay, p. 102) from a MS. onxin nwye by Zedekiah 
Anaw, which he says was bought by the Bodleian Library 
in 1854. Neubauer lists it as upon ‘Yaw under No. 659. See 
Add. to his Cat. p. 1153. Prof. Marx found in the covers of 
an old book two MS. leaves, one of which contains the 
above responsum, but it is no part of the »pon aw as the 
remaining passages show. It has also the important variant 
mpp by mamp pyar mn Syma pony nyow exndp 9 on instead of 92> 
pin. It is possible that this leaf is part of the asin Avyn 
mentioned by Landshuth. 


INTRODUCTION xlix 


R. Epbraim ben ‘facob of Bonn (b. 1133-d. 
after 1196). 

I. From a liturgical MS. communicated by 
Zunz to Rapoport and published by the latter in 
spniens Vis p. 25. 
sowie 7 TD NInw Dd yT ON) Jono wa NN 
DMDIN 3D STIS ODN PN TANTIIAN PIs 553 Das op 13 aTydS 


aba orm yYoysaa aapy »> Sym adn aryvos 3 sspnsw roy 
2 72 89 os Poy pooinn 93% 


Anonymous. 

J. In MS. Munich 69 is found the following 
statement, cited by Zunz, Literaturgeschichte, p. 28, 
note 4. ‘2p ary2s8 9 Oy 137 O83. 93D. "ODS 3 IN, 

K. From I. Davidson, Poetic Fragments from 
the Genizah I (J.Q.R., N.S., Vol. 1., pp. r0og-111). 
“IND SpA ts WOT Sa yt. 1197 S93 nodyw 47> ox 


$2) MDIN NYY AMIN WawS ..oT Ns TTD “DT MD My 
SPN TINY. sD IMS prn ows os WS mews AD! 


: 1c 
Wy nih ‘ 


oO; \ 


ab i | 


im 
een, & 


i 
| 
4 
aw , 
| Deeb 
i i ; ‘. 
; si fi 
i Tl decd 
. 
Vey 
{ : ; 
i 
j 
j 
’ ; Hered 
f f e i's 
i ; : 
i 
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‘ i 
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\ “ j : 
i a ipy 
f ae 
1 , sa 
; i A 
' 
' ood ee 
{ ; tal 
| Tay en, 
We ‘ \) 
fea ; 
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tr PaN 
eeu tan th i 
i puis 
f { 
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At 
, t , 
; 1 oh 1 


a 
ae — 


a= 35) 


y' 
a) 

Ma 

Ne 


; 


yt eS 


QSH3 WS AID OD NyoIw Ap 95 


DANS 2 PD N|aodw3 


ny 
S338 NIDOI MIT yn 


bahia) 


PIT TUST SSI w 


MDD Nvyn ays 
Pal ye) 


Sete sh iby any 


DIN "3 
SP™YORI AWN OUI wD m2 ASIN 


Dvyrn 


} ean fi 


Le tf 
EAN 


ohn 


Dy 
227 UN 
1... ee ee J IND IP AWN IN WN WNIDD TAMNp :8 Tw 
EEA ey be es MAN MNT IT WD> AaMp :3 Mw 
PN cs el Sake Aaa yu cnn as p> Aanp :3 Tw 
ene eae MPD WS WNT IIT WD) AMP 33 Iw 
LOVE amen ts 393 AWN WD? AIP =a Iw 
SiN) ew pan OS TONT TONY IWID> MaMp :3 Tw 
71 SD RU NEM. Ut DP" WRI IIT WID> Aap 33 Mw 
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